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Ancient Aliens...Ancient Shmalins

Atlantis Rising Issue #107

by David Imhotep Ph.D.

Final Call version:
Space Aliens did not Build Ancient African Architecture

Atlantis Rising magazine #103 had an article appeared entitled, The Engineers of Puma Punku. That article follows what many, “Ancient Alien” T.V. programs are now promoting.

Fellow readers, what a short memory we all have. Why is it that when ancient, advanced technology is found in areas all over the world, that so many writers immediately mark it as the work of Space Aliens from another planet?
There is an entire book showcasing Vimana Aircraft, by David Hatcher Childress, that goes into painstaking detail about the flying machines constructed long ago (by Africans from the Nile Valley who populated ancient India). Graham Hancock wrote a fabulous book entitled Underworld. He has written about the advanced, (Black), antediluvian civilization that was flooded by the melting of the last Ice Age. Inside, Hancock has actual pictures of man-made structures----underwater--all around the world.  In his other book, Fingerprints of the Gods, (if you do not have it, just google Tiahuanaco), you will read about an ancient African site with many structures over 12,000 year old in South America. Puma Punka structure (mentioned above as being built by aliens) is only two minutes from the Tiahuanaco structure. On the back cover of this book, Hancock credits ‘Human’ builders for the ancient constructions, not spacemen. Hancock says he looks for, “mankind’s hidden past.”
White or gray spacemen? The “Final Call” newspaper covered a story by National Geographic magazine about the American Association of Physical Anthropologists meeting, held here from 28 to 31 March, 2007 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. They reported on the evolution of a gene for skin color suggesting that “Europeans acquired pale skin quite recently, perhaps only 6000 to 12,000 years ago.” That is not genetically correct, according to the eminent geneticist, Cavalli-Sforza who helped to begin the World Gnome project in the 1950s. Decades later, a consequence, he wrote a 1048 page book called, The History and Geography of Human Genes. On page 145 he emphatically states that genetically speaking, “the white skin color of Northern Europeans evolved in the last 5000 years.” In other words, there were no White people in existence on this planet before 3000 BCE.
There are possibly more worlds in this infinite universe than there are grains of sand on a desert. Yes, most probably, there is intelligent life somewhere else. But let us not forget that there were no white Homo Sapiens before 3000 BCE. Breaking this down scientifically, Dr. Charles Finch M.D. says Whites differentiated from Black folks to white because of an adaptation to the thousands of years of frigid weather in Northern Europe during the last Ice Age. This caused their vitamin D deficiency to turn their skin white, in order to keep their black pigmentation from blocking the infrared calcium light penetrating their epidermal skin layer.
Some authors place Sumeria before Egypt. We have heard of the “so-called” Sumerian legends about the Annunaki coming to Earth from outer space, building the pyramids and conducting Human genetic engineering. In his book,  the brilliant linguist/Black history scholar, Clyde Winters Ph.D says, “I believe that many of the Proto-Sumerian text have been misinterpreted...The Annunaki were probably Anu [Annu, the Twa], the pygmy people...remember, the Egyptians said their civilization was founded by the Anu.”

Painting scene is from Mari (in North-West Sumer) of the Annunaki including Inanna or Nanana (top register) and Enlil (middle register) being attended to by 'lesser-dinger' - the Iggigi. Note the 'African' race of Sumerians as distinct from, and indicated by the Aryan (White) 'fisher-man' and the African 'fisher-man' (partially shown) in the bottom register.
Zecharia Sitchin was the first to write about the Annunaki being Space Aliens. Sitchin's theories are not accepted by scientists, academics, and  has been thoroughly discredited in a study by Hebrew scholar Dr. Michael Heiser Ph.D.
Some writers have connected Sumeria with Atlantis. I have been asked what I think about ancient Atlantis for years, and I reply, “To which Atlantis are you referring?” Before the last Ice Age ended and flooded many of the ancient antediluvian civilizations, there were Atlantis's all over the world. Look at ancient Sundaland--one of the large land masses lost to the waves of the melted Ice Age in the southwestern Pacific. Then there was the continent of Mu/Lemoria/Pan in the central Pacific. There was also a large island in the western Atlantic Ocean that connected all of the Bahamian Islands, which also possibly included the island of Cuba.
The Atlantis Rising magazine has covered possible sites for Atlantis all over the world. The leading contender has been thoroughly researched by doctors Greg and Laura Little. They have done a magnificent job of revealing the Bimini Road in the Bahamas, and several other sites in the Caribbean containing buildings and megalithic structures. Some of these buildings are just southwest of the Bahamas in 90 feet of water, and have been carbon dated to 23,000 years old. But he does not discuss who the builders were.
With this in mind, why do ancient aliens get the credit for building African’s ancient constructions and technology? Just look at my book, The First Americans Were Africans, that was advertised in Atlantis Rising magazine and covered an alternative to ancient aliens building these structures in the Americas. It was virtually ignored by most of their readers because it goes against the idea that these sites--that have been attributed to ancient alien architects--were actually built byAfricans.
Atlantis Rising readers possibly ignored the book because my theses--that was by the way, backed by 7 (soon to be 8) peer-reviewed journal article--included Dr. Al Goodyear’s discovery of a site in South Carolina, who presented overwhelming evidence that the first Americans were in the Americas at least 56,000 years ago; and may now be 100,000 years ago, thanks to the eminent anthropologist Nide Guidon’s Thermoluminescence dating of stone tools in South America.
Yes, Africans built ancient pyramids, and temples in all three Americas as they did in ancient Egypt and other places around the world so numerous that to cover them would cloud the issue.
These structures are documented by hard evidence, especially the pyramids, whose evolution of design and construction were seen to evolve from simple mastaba graves, to step pyramids, and finally to smooth sided pyramids. But...where is the evidence of ancient alien architects who some claim built this ever expanding list of ancient technological structures? Where are the space craft they came in? Where are the bodies of the pilots and passengers? Do you mean to tell me that they are all confined to area 51?
It is time to face the music sisters and brothers of all colors. Does not DNA evidence--which is accepted by an ever increasing majority of scientists--show that archaic as well as modern Humanity began in Africa? The ancient bodies, tools, vehicles (chariots) ect. belonging to the architects of these structures can be produced, unlike the alien claims. This, is solid evidence.
The book, The First Americans Were Africans: Documented Evidence has won an international literary award. In the Black communities it is jumping off the shelves, but our records show that not one copy was purchased by anyone reading the article in Atlantis Rising concerning this book. Most of us, who write about the achievements of Human ancient technology, have the evidence to back our claims that Human Beings from this planet designed and built these structures.
So the next time Atlantis Rising fans read an article about an ancient piece of advanced alien technology, instead of looking up to the skies for its creators, they should start looking down at this planet and our joint ancestors. It is based on evidence. This is the reality of the situation.
David Imhotep is a 2008 doctoral graduate of Union University, in Cincinnati, Ohio, an accredited institution. He is the first to be awarded a doctorate in philosophy, with a concentration in ancient African studies.


*note to the reader:
 The type in the article above is too tiny to read so the rebuttal is reprinted below.
 This is Dr. Imhotep's rebuttal to the original article Atlantic Rising Printed.

Looking North again?
 Atlantis Rising Issue #84
by David Imhotep Ph.D.

Again, Christopher Dunn's work has risen to heights that only he can reach, just like the ancient Pheonix, properly called the Benu Bird. His precise training as an engineer has prepared him to be able to recognize the ancient precision of the Egyptians. But why is he looking North, giving credit of  "... the beginnings of ... construction of stone monuments ..."1 to Gobekli Tepe in Anatolia (modern Turkey), when the real credit for the first architectural precision--the subject of his book--belongs to the Egyptians? This is like saying Latimer invented the light bulb instead of Edison. (Did he?)
Even Champollion-Figeac from France claimed Egypt began 7867 BP. In Stocker's own words "conventional chronology ... [is] inaccurate."2 Anyway, where did these ancient artisans of Gobekli Tepe originate? To the North? If so, where are their prior great structures containing ancient precision North of Gobekli? At least 2500 years before Gobekli Tepe, which is dated at 10,000 BCE, African-Natufians migrated North and built the first permanent settlements in the Middle East beginning circa 12,500 BCE.3 This occurred when the Ice Age first retreated North from the Middle East enabling their migration. We should be looking South,
Despite the subtle overtones, evidence shows that Gobekli Tepe was not built, nor was it inhabited by Caucasian Indo-Europeans. They did not enter Anatolia until sometime between 2000-1800 BC.4 Again we should look to the South, but are we to look North for the builders of Egypt's Sphinx as well? In the 1993 NBC Special, "Mysteries of the Sphinx" aired. After his team of specialists studied and re-dated the Sphinx, West stated, "If I were asked to place a bet I'd say that it [the Sphinx] predates the end of the last Ice Age and is probably older than 10,000 BC, perhaps even older than 15,000 BC.5" Did this largest sculpture in the world posses ancient precision? Thanking Lockyer, Hancock claims Egypt must be at least 11,700 years old because the Karnak Temple of Amon-Ra is at least that old based on sound astronomy.6 Turning South from Giza, lets look at the colossal, unfinished obelisk in Aswan. If finished, it would have been a mind-boggling ...  (137 feet) high ... it would have weighed a gigantic 1,168 tons!7  Looking further South, what about the gargantuan, precise architecture of Ramses II at Abu Simbel?

Dunn's book was exciting, new, informative, and well written, but it begs for one final question to be asked: Why isn't he looking South?

(Note: Those last two lines are the end of my article. Please let Mr. Kenyon know this is a response to Mr. Andrews' article, "Ancient Precision." By the way, this issue had three of the most enjoyable articles I have ever seen in just one of his magazines. The other two were: "Ice Age Civilization in the Bahamas" and "Water Wizards in Arizona.")

1 Andrewa, A. (2010). Ancient Precision Atlantis Rising, No. 63,
      September/October, p. 45.
2 Ibid, p. 45.
3 Eshed, V., Gopher, A., Gage, T.G., and Hershkovitz, I. (2003). Has the transition of agriculture reshaped the  
   demographic structure of prehistoric populations? American Journal of Physical Anthropology 124: p. 3.
   Bar-Yosef, O. (1998). "The Natufian culture in the Levant, threshold of the origin of agriculture." Evolutionary Anthropology Retrieved February 3, 2005, from
4 Winters, C.A. (2005a). Afrocentrism. Chicago, IL: Clyde Winters, p. 154.
5 Hancock, G, Faiia, S. (1998). Heaven's Mirror. Three Rivers Press: New York, p. 94.
6 Ibid, p. 56
7 "The Unfinished Obelisk of Aswan." (n.d.) Retrieved February 3, 2005, from

*note to the reader:
 The type in the article above is too tiny to read so it is reprinted below.
 This is Dr. Imhotep's rebuttal to the original article Atlantic Rising Printed.

Homer and Atlantis

Atlantis Rising Issue #64

                                                        by   STEVEN SORA


            The Homeric tales of the Iliad and the Odyssey do not add up. There was no "Troy" in Turkey until Alexander built one. There are no giant waves and major tides in the inlet of the Bosporus straights closest to the alleged Troy. There was no alliance of Greeks in 1200 B.C. as they themselves begin their history with a traditional date of 776 B.C. Nor was there a Trojan Empire in Anatolia (modern Turkey) where the powerful Hittite empire ruled and recorded history meticulously.


            History has a way of building foundations on sand. For centuries it was assumed the Greeks and Romans built the civilization enjoyed by Europe. That is, until Sumeria and Assyria rose, literally from the earth in the Middle East. Sumerian and Babylonian texts even challenged the origin of concepts in the Old Testament like the story of Noah—a recycled Sumerian epic. Conquered empires were forgotten until just in the last two centuries when their texts were unearthed and translated.


            One of the greatest misconceptions was that stargazers in Egypt and Babylon were first to devise systems to measure time and predict eclipses. Long before the Middle-Eastern pyramids were built, an advanced culture stretched from Scotland's Northern Isles to Portugal and Northwestern Africa was active in a vast shared culture that stretched along the Atlantic.


            Here is where the gods arose. Here is where Atlas held up the sky. Here is where Apollo ventured every nineteen years. It was in fact, a pre-Celtic Atlantean culture, complete with a series of city-states and trade alliance of which the Eastern Mediterranean culture was only partially aware.


            The Greeks and even the Egyptians inherited their earliest gods from the west.


***(The article goes on and on with further fiction, but the magazine's format does not allow more lengthy articles so I stopped my arguments with the last line above. Also, I wrote a reply to Sora's rediculious assertion that Egypt was among the first nation to devise systems to measure time and predict eclipses but I guess it was edited out for lack of space.)***


                                    The following is my editorial reply



Mr. Kenyon. Below you will find an editorial for your Atlantis Rising's Reader Forum.


Hard Evidence


            In the past I have thoroughly enjoyed most of your articles containing anything on ancient Egypt. I have ignored article inaccuracies in the past but Sora's article, "Echoes of Atlantis from Homer" in issue #64 is filled with so many inaccurate data I can no longer stay silent. What are my qualifications to make such a statement? This year I will graduate with a second Ph.D. This one is centered on a specialization in Ancient African History.


            Inside the article in question, Sora writes, "There was no 'Troy' until Alexander built one." (Sora, 2007, p. 28). This is historically incorrect. Firstly, Alexander died in 323 BCE (Remple, 1958). Secondly, Alexander did not build the first Troy. The first Troy was built more than 3000 years before Alexander, "Schliemann discovered nine layers of Troy .... the oldest dating back to about 3600 BCE, and the most recent dating from about 300 CE" (Goldman, 2006). Therefore, I beg to ask, how could Alexander--who died in 323 BCE--have built the first Troy in 3600 BCE if he lived more than 3000 years later?


            The second issue is the one that made me terminate my perusal as a passive reader and write you. In the second paragraph of the article Sora writes: "That is, until Sumeria and Assyria rose literally from the earth in the Middle East" (Sora, 2007, p. 28).  This is historically inaccurate.


            Why do you allow such people as Sora perpetrate such data that is not correct? Where is the evidence for such a claim? Mesopotamia was not the "Cradle of Civilization."

Mesopotamia was not the cradle of civilization. The cradle of civilization is definitely in the Nile Valley but not yet determined. Possible candidates definitely exclude Mesopotamia but do include Ta-Set/Qustuli, Nabta Playa, and Wadi Kubbaniya that even predate Egypt.


            I just finished writing a dissertation to argue this point and to illustrate that Egypt predated Sumer by more than a millennium. The dissertation assembles hard evidence from nine different disciplines. Further, the first Sumerians were not White Caucasoid but Black Africoids. Neither time nor space permits me to delve deeper for my dissertation is almost 500 pages.


            The third issue arises in Sora's paragraph five: "The Greeks and the Egyptians inherited their earliest gods from the west" (p. 28). This too is not correct. Where is evidence for such a bold statement? There is contrary from Bruce Williams of the Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago--of all places--in his comprehensive three volume study of the origin of Egypt in 1986. In the study, Williams cites Keith Seele's excavations in Nubia from 1962-1964. Seele found that the Egyptian Civilization (which includes their gods) came from--or more precisely through--Qustul in ancient Nubia which is now modern day Sudan. Sudan lies south of Egypt and west as Sora claims.


            With all the new discoveries being made now in science and archaeology, you will soon find that denying Africa is a losing battle. Most scientists today agree that Humanity's physicality began in Africa. However, humanity's mentality also began in Africa. As late as July 2007, a Vanity Fair magazine article reports modern mentality is now believed to have developed first in Africa: "Africa gave us the tool we needed, in the form of a powerful abstract mind .... [which] some anthropologists call the Great Leap Forward" (Wells, 2007, p. 114). There is only one race, the human race, that just happens to have begun and developed in Africa. So what's the problem?


            To delve further into this article is pointless. I am really disappointed that your magazine, Atlantis Rising, publishes an article such as Sora's without editing out claims that are not backed by hard evidence. Such articles make your magazine, to which I have subscribed its since the 3rd edition, seem unscholarly and lose credibility. Does your magazine hold the view that Sumer and the Mesopotamian civilization predated the possible candidate civilizations of the Nile Valley?


David Imhotep Ph.D.

Roanoke, Virginia


Rempel, G. (1958).Alexander the Great. Retrieved on June 16, 2007 from


Goldman, B. (2006). Didyma. Retrieved on June 16, 2007 from


Sora, S. (2007). Echoes of Atlantis from Homer.  Atlantis Rising, No. 64 July/August.

Livingston, MT.: Atlantis Rising.


Williams, B.B. (1986). Part I: The A-Group Royal Cemetery At Qustul: Cemetery L. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago.


Wells, S. (2007). Out of Africa. Vanity Fair, May. Printed in the U.S.A.: Vanity Fair


***(My bibliography was also edited out of the article. The following was written by the editor in the same magazine following the end of my article.)



            "Unfortunately one of the problems of producing a magazine like ours is the virtual impossibility of covering stories like the one referenced in the depth disserved. To get Steven Sora's full argument, one must read his book, "Triumph of the Sea Gods" newly released from Inner Traditions Press. Steven is the author of many other books which argue for a new look at a host of scholarly issues. We should also point out, that this, is by no means, the first time that this publication has found itself opposing conventional thought. That is what we do. We try, however, to avoid taking sides in most of the disputes we cover, endeavoring, instead, to air what we believe to be deserving points of view which are neglected elsewhere. Ed."


P.S. We asked Stephen if he wished to reply to Dr. Imhotep's letter. The following is his response:


It most likely would take reading the book to offer a complete refutation of this letter. But to answer one most important detail...


            The Iliad of Homer was a stylized history of a war that happened five hundred years before Homer's lifetime. Homer took the story and placed it in a context where a then-modern Greek could understand. His "Troy" was an invention. There was no Troy or no Ilium in Turkey. Four hundred years after Homer wrote his epic poem Alexander was disappointed that there was no evidence of a Troy, so he literally built temples to match Homer's tale. Alexander's Troy was no more real than the Wooden Horse that stands between the snack bars named "Helen' and "Paris" in the modern "Troy."


            The other argument might take too long to answer although the evidence of a Libyan goddess Neit being first in Egypt and long before Isis as well as Athena being an African goddess are strong (and not my invention).

                                                                                                            Steven Sora

*note to the reader:
 The type in the article above is too tiny to read so my rebuttal is reprinted below.
 This is Dr. Imhotep's rebuttal to the original article Atlantic Rising Printed.

Response to Avalon in America?
Atlantis Rising Issue #79
by David Imhotep Ph.D.

Interesting article. What Sora did not mention was whom the Picts, or Pechts, actually were. In MacRichie's, The Testimony of Tradition (1890), Shetlandic folklore says, "The first folks that ever were in our [British] Isles were the Picts ... they were very small people" (p. 104). Before they started mixing with the Whites they were said to be: Black; pygmies; flat-nosed with flowing [dred] locks (pp. 31, 175, 42, 13). They lived in "half-underground dwellings... [and were called] mound-dwellers" (pp. 82, 100). This smacks of a--The Hobit, Lord of the Rings-- connection. These short statured people were called: Dwarfs; Leprechauns, Elves, Pixies; Fairies; and Brownies (pp. 64,107,12,114).

Why Brownies? Because their ancestors were Africans from the Southern Nile Valley and were called the Anu or Twa. The Picts were also called Skralings when they reached Greenland and Canada. They were at least part of the reason the Vikings packed up and left "Vineland" which was probably situated in New England. They are the subject of my future book, The First Americans were Africans, for they were the first inhabitants of the Americas from the Arctic Circle to the southern tip of South America at Tierra del Fuego. So this should give the reader a little insight as to whom the Picts were. But wait, does that not mean that if King Arthur's Guinevere was a Pecht--as Sora claims, (Issue #79, p. 43)--she was a Black Dwarf?


Interesting article. What Sora did not mention was whom the Picts, or Pechts, actually were. In MacRichie's, The Testimony of Tradition (1890), Shetlandic folklore says, "The first folks that ever were in our [British] Isles were the Picts ... they were very small people."  Before they started mixing with the Whites they were said to be: Black; pygmies; flat-nosed with flowing [dred] locks. They lived in "half-underground dwellings... [and were called] mound-dwellers." This smacks of a--The Hobit, Lord of the Rings-- connection. These short statured people were called: Dwarfs; Leprechauns, Elves, Pixies; Fairies; and Brownies.

Why Brownies? Because their ancestors were Africans from the Southern Nile Valley and were called the Anu or Twa. The Picts were also called Skralings when they reached Greenland and Canada. They were at least part of the reason the Vikings packed up and left "Vineland" which was probably situated in New England. They are the subject of my future book, The First Americans were Africans, for they were the first inhabitants of the Americas from the Arctic Circle to the southern tip of South America at Tierra del Fuego. So this should give the reader a little insight as to whom the Picts were. But wait, does that not mean that if King Arthur's Guinevere was a Pecht--as Sora claims, (Issue #79, p. 43)--she was a Black Dwarf?



                              The Black Pharaohs
            Response to National Geographic February 2008
                           by David Imhotep Ph.D.

One of my earliest and most enjoyable memories is going to my grandfather's library and taking one of the little yellow books down from the rack -- he had so many I believe his collection began when National Geographic was first published. I still remember National Geographic's remarkably vivid color pictures, a tradition that continues today. As I aged, another facet of National Geographic grew on me. It contained articles from all over the world with subjects ranging from apple growing to zebras galloping across some far-off landscape.

I have always considered National Geographic a standard in educational data exterior to the walls of educational institutions with its informative and accurate flavors.

With this type of background you must understand the absolute shock I experienced when I first read your article about "The Black Pharaohs" in February's National Geographic.

As I paged through the magazine, the excitement of reading about my favorite subject began to build. As I got closer to the article, I remember thinking "what jewels will I uncover that I can use in one of my presentations?"

When I turned the final page my enthusiasm exploded. To see Egypt's black Pharaohs displayed in this great magazine on page 34 was a dream come true for me. So that you do not get lost in my story, the reason for the emotional feelings is that I just spent the last five years of my life researching and writing a dissertation containing this subject matter. I thought to myself, "National Geographic is finally going to set the record straight for the world concerning Egypt's black Pharaohs." But as I turned the page to the battle scene illustrating the black Nubians with their peppercorn hair attacking an army of white Egyptians with straight hair, my dream was slammed to the floor and reappeared as a horrid nightmare.

It is said that a picture is worth a thousand words. White Egyptians fighting black Nubians? Were the Egyptians white and the Nubians black? I thought to myself, "one of my favorite magazines -- that I had held so dear all of these years -- has joined the ranks of the Eurocentrics who have continually perpetrated this fraud even though evidence to the contrary is overwhelming." We are talking about primary evidence that is mounting almost daily, in several scientific disciplines, is available for anyone to see.

The National Geographic article, written by Robert Draper, says that the these Nubian Pharaohs, "sprang from a robust African civilization that had flourished on the southern banks of the Nile for 2,500 years, going back at least as far as the first Egyptian dynasty" (Draper, 2008, p. 39). At least as far? Archaeologist Tim Kendall was mentioned in this article as an authority. The heading of an article in Time magazine featuring Kendall says, "Nubia, not Egypt, may have been the first true African civilization"(Macleod, 1997, p. 102). Further, the French archaeologists who made the excavation in this Time article say that, "They [the artifacts] are as old as any Neolithic sites in Africa and predate prehistoric finds in Egypt by a staggering 3,000 years" (p.105). The Nubian civilization of ta-Seti/Qustul predates Egypt. So do their Pharaohs.

On page 38, the first page of the article states that, "Piye was the first of the so-called black pharaohs..." What? The first black pharaoh? Wrong. The evidence does not support this thesis.

In this article the name Keith Seele was also mentioned. Seele was a professor of Egyptology at the Oriental Institute in Chicago. When the Aswan High Dam was built in Southern Egypt it flooded much of Nubia. There was a scramble by some nations to send excavating teams to dig behind the dam and salvage as many artifacts as they could, for when the dam was finished the artifacts would be under water. Seele was picked to direct the project for the Institute. The "salvage excavation" took place from 1960-1964. Many artifacts were discovered.

The artifacts and information found by Seele were stored for more than two decades without recognition before Bruce Williams, a graduate of the University of Chicago -- affiliated with the Oriental Institute -- published eight monographs between 1986 and 1993 (Nubia Salvage project, 1996). To go into detail covering all the items found is beyond the scope of this paper. The most interesting find was "a cemetery with 33 large tombs, as large as the Egyptian tombs" (Van Sertima, 1989, p. 85, Williams, 1986, p. 9). Williams (1986) wrote: "The wealth in vessels (as well as many other objects) and these palace facades indicated clearly that we were dealing with royal tombs" (p. 1).

One of the most valuable artifacts found was an incence burner/bowl with scenes carved into the surface. Let us see what evidence the incence burner has to offer:

Apart from the composition, the Qustul incence burner is clearly linked to pharaonic civilization by many details, including the palace facade, the white crown, the [Horus representation as a] falcon-label, the falcon-standard, the feline [lion] it labels, the     sacrifical victim, and probably the rosette. The barks [religeous boats] are the major sacred barks of pharaonic Egypt that occur on a jar of Naqada III date in the British Museum, on numerous Earily Dynastic objects, in the Hierkonpolis tomb painting, on sealings, labels, plattes, a seal from Nubia, and a jar from the Scandinavian concession as well as numerous rock drawings from southern Upper Egypt and Nubia .... The main figure in the vessel was the pharaoh, indicated by the white crown. The example here is the earliest definate occurance of this regalia (Williams, 1987, pp.144,142).

The pharaoh also wears the traditional pharaonic beard and holds a flail in his hand; exactly like the flail King Tutankhamun holds in his likeness on his famous gold coffin many years later.

All of these exact pharaonic characteristics appear in Nubia/ta-Seti/Qustul far before the Egyptian dynastic period began.

Williams (1986) gives further evidence of the Qustul-Egyptian connection:

1. A direct progression in the size and design of royal  
   complexes can be traced from Qustul to Hierakonpolis to 
2. Egyptian objects in the tombs date to Naqada IIIa-b,
   immediately before the Abydos complexes, which began in 
   IIIb [Dynasty 0].
3. The intensity of exploration for just such remains in
   Upper Egypt and especially at Abydos and Hierakonpolis 
   makes the discovery of equivalent royal cemeteries of  
   this period unlikely.
4. Naqada IIIa corresponds to a hiatus in Kaiser's
   progression of royal tombs from the scattered rulers of 
   Naqada II to the unified tradition of Dynasty O (IIIb) 
   at Abydos. This is some indication that an undiscovered
   unified tradition existed.
5. Qustul Cemetery L contained explicitly pharaonic monuments, 
   not only incense burners, but a jar (L 6) and a bowl (L 19) 
   that refer to conflict in Upper Egypt. As reinterpreted
   elsewhere, the Gebel Sheikh Suleiman monument should also
   indicate such conflict.
6. One inscription of a ruler, schematically rendered Pe-Hor for
   convenience, is simply one stage earlier than corresponding 
   inscriptions of Iry-Hor that occur at a pharaonic tomb at 
7. The series of ten to twelve rulers at Qustul plus one at 
   Hierakonpolis (Scorpion, T1/T2) and three at Abydos 
   would closely correspond to Kaiser's reconstruction of a late 
   Naqada period 'historical' sequence from the lists (p. 177).

The evidence above shows that it was the Nubian Pharaohs who created the Egyptian dynastic period were not just some "Johnny come latelys" that burst on the scene near Egypt's end. They were there at the beginning.

It is a shame that the skin color of the Egyptians or Nubians should have to be discussed. The door, however, was opened when Draper wrote that several Western scholars insisted that "the Kushites [Nubians] 'belonged to the Caucasian race,'" and "the Kushite Pharaohs were actually 'white'" (Draper, 2008, pp. 39- 40). This is as ridiculous as "the prevalent assumption that Caucasoid influences were prominent in [ancient] East Africa" (Cole, 1963, p. 266) hundreds if not thousands of years before our first Caucasoid brothers ever stepped on African soil.

Draper mention that, "Afrocentric Egyptologists, who argue that all ancient Egyptians, from King Tut to Cleopatra were black Africans" (pp. 40,44) As a matter of fact the evidence shows that black Africans from the south entered Egypt and gave them their civilization in the beginning and Africans from the same area Nubia/ta-Seti -- or Qustul as Emery called it -- were there at the end. The title of your article, The Black Pharaohs: Conquerors of Ancient Egypt implies that before Black Pharaohs "conquered Egypt" in 730 BCE, it was ruled by White Pharaohs. That is as ridiculous as saying there was a period in the British Empire when African kings ruled Britain.

The pitiful argument attempted by Eurocentrics that Egypt's first Pharaohs were anything other than black Africans is ridiculous and has been answered by renowned researcher and author Cheikh Anta Diop and a host of others -- blacks and whites -- with hard evidence. What evidence can you produce that anyone other than Africans created and began Egypt's Dynastic as well as pre-dynastic period for that matter? None.

For the record, the Nubian rule of Egypt ended in in 656 BCE (Clayton, 1994, p. 193). The Assyrians and then the Persians conquer Egypt. Whites, however, do not rule Egypt until the Greek, Alexander, enters Egypt 332 BCE (p. 206). (The Assyrians and Persians were mulatto.) It is useless to say that the Hyksos who ruled Egypt for a few years were white for that does not settle your point. This is due to the fact that new evidence has found that the Hyksos were probably not white either.

The Black Pharaohs created Dynastic Egypt in the beginning and were there at the end of this glorious empire. Historical accuracy should be the goal we all desire, even National Geographic.

Clayton, P.A. (1994). Chronicle of the Pharaohs. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.
Draper, R. (2008). Black Pharaohs. Washington D.C.: The National geographic            Society
Cole, S. (1963). The Prehistory of Africa. New York: Macmillian
Macleod, S. (1997). The Nile's other Kingdom. Time, Vol. 150, No. 11.
"Nubia Salvage Project." (2007). Retrieved March 9, 2008 from
Van Sertima, I (1989). Black Dynasties and Rulers. In I. Van Sertima (Ed.), Egypt Revisited. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Williams, B.B. (1986). Part I: The A-Group Royal Cemetery At Qustul: Cemetery L.     Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago.
Winters, C.A. (2005a). Afrocentrism. Chicago, IL: Clyde Winters.






The African Aqualithic-This was the time period when the entire Sahara was wet
with many river systems and water sheds. Not shown on the map below was an inland sea in Lybia as large as France called the "Triton Sea."
A video of my African Aqualithic presentation to the "Diop Conference" can be seen on my Face Book page entitled   David Imhotep.


This picture was created by Roger Blench (with Nick Drake, KCL)

from the Kay Williamson Educational Foundation

The African Aqualithic circa 20,000-30,000 BP
by David Imhotep

The Nile River is now surrounded by a dry desert. In contrast to the civilizations that existed along the Nile which were acclimated to the dry climate that surrounded the Nile River, there existed an older civilization in Eastern Africa and the Sahara that was acclimated to a wet climate. This wet period is called the African aqualithic or aquatic. In this paper we will discuss this ancient civilization.
Why is it that conventional studies made of the lithic industries across Africa's northern equatorial region before the post-Pleistocene refuse to report the obvious cultural continuity seen across Middle Africa? They even go so far as to ignore the very existence of the adaptation these African peoples made to this ancient aquatic period (Sutton, 1977).
It would be very surprising if the African aquatic is even mentioned, much less taught, in any elementary or high school in any part of the world. Sutton (1974) wrote about this little-known civilization in Africa called the African aquatic civilization. Sutton (1974) describes his use of the word "civilization" as, "My use of the word 'civilization' does not conform with normal Anglophone archaeological practice, but has more in common with cultural historic in common with cultural-historical usage ..." (p. 527).
Sutton's subtlety in his explanation of the use of the word "civilization" is understandable. However, in defense of this AA culture, they were not veritable savages, nor were they just skillful artisans. Evidence from the Ishango Bone—a member of the AA covered later in this paper--illustrates they also had a developed knowledge of mathematics, astronomy, and possibly some type of writing. Not to mention the people of Nabta Playa almost 20,000 years ago carved into bedrock what "appears to be an accurate depiction of our Milky Way Galaxy as it was orientated astronomically at a specific time: vernal equinox heliacal rising of the Galactic Center in 17,700 BCE" (Brophy, 2002, p. 54) In order to draw such a map a general knowledge of physics and astronomy is necessary.One author, (Joseph, 2000, p. 23) even suggests that the people of Ishango grew crops. All this must be taken under consideration when explaining whom these people were and the long-time period the AA culture spanned.
The African aquatic (AA) is not taught in the standard academic curriculum. Sutton (1974) writes that between 9000 and 2000 BCE Africa experienced a wetter climate than it does today. Africa had more and larger lakes and rivers than now; Imaging radar--taken from the 1981 NASA Space Shuttle Mission—penetrated the sands of the Sahara revealing that this area was once covered with a network of rivers (Gwyn, 2008, p. 130). There was once an inland sea in Libya called the Triton Sea (Winters, n.d.). Due south of the Triton Sea was Lake Chad which has been called mega Chad when looking at its size during the Holocene. When Lake Chad was at its largest phase—it had four peak periods between 41,000 and 2,300 BCE—it was 600 feet deep and covered 154,400 square miles (Mega Chad, N.d.)
The AA encompassed an area in a crescent shape--or arc--covering the continent of Africa from Mauritania in Western Africa, through the Southern part of the Sahara to the Red Sea, (Picture a) and then bending south to the southern Nile Valley (Sutton, 1974).  This aquatic lifestyle rapidly expanded across Africa from its eastern origin. This different lifestyle assimilated a variety of peoples with previously distinct cultural backgrounds using harpoons, found as far to the west as Mauritania, more specifically, in the Aouker massif (Brooks & Smith, 1987).
As the title exposes, there was much more rainfall during the AA creating more and larger rivers until modern times. A watercourse linked the old Lake Turkana Basin (in Kenya/Ethiopia) with the civilization that existed in the Sudan and Upper Nile (Leakey, 2007). Brooks and Smith (1987) agree with Leakey (2007) that the Nile is probably the conduit that allowed harpoons  (Picture b) to be transported as far to the north as Fayum (B) in Northern Egypt. The Nile was an aquatic highway that connected peoples.
Sutton (1974) identifies the AA culture by their use of bone harpoons to fish and a common pottery tradition ("wavy-line" and "dotted-line," p. 25) that existed after the tenth millennium. Controversy surrounds dating and exact location of the AA. Brooks and Smith (1987) have produced relatively new evidence that has the promise of revising Sutton's (1974) date for the AA culture from 9000 BCE further back in history to 23,000 BCE.
Where did the AA begin?
African aqualithic materials have been found in many parts of Africa as explained above. Even though a single barbed point was found in Morocco, dating back between 10,800 and 12,070 BP (Yellen, 1998). This fact does not mean that the AA began in Western Africa. Similar barbed points reached as far north as the Natufian culture in the Levant, as well as Fayum (B), Naqada in Egypt, and Khartoum in Nubia, which are all in the Nile Valley (Brooks and Smith, 1987). The discovery of this man-made material does not mean that the AA began that far north either.
Sutton (1977) believes the harpoons above Lake Anam--formerly Lake Rudolph (Robbins, 2006), whose name was later changed to Lake Turkana--in the eighth millennium BCE pre-date both the first pottery manufacturing and the harpoons of the Sahara and the Nile.  Brooks and Smith (1987), however, have taken a step further in actually pinpointing the area where the AA began. They believe this area is the Turkana Basin in Kenya/Ethiopia, where some of the sites being discussed are found.
A well-known mathematical formula also used in logic during deductive thinking (Salmon, 2007, p. 301) will be accessed to illustrate the relationships of AA cultures. The formula is that if A=B and B=C, then by implication A=C. "Specimen ... at Ishango  .... (Picture c) [and] Katanda (Katanda is seven miles north of Ishango, up the Semliki River) clearly fall within the same African tradition" (Yellen, 1998, p. 173), and "Early Khartoum in the Nile Valley had similar bone harpoons as Ishango" (Robbins, 2006, p. 74).  So Khartoum in the Nile Valley had similar harpoons to Katanda and Ishango.                                                                           
Katanda had harpoons--90,000 BP (Yellen, 1998)--predating even those in Ishango as well as the Kalahari Desert in Botswana, South Africa. "Barbed-bone points similar to those found along the Nile [Valley], in the Sahara, and in East Africa have been discovered at White Paintings Rock Shelter in the Kalahari Desert in Botswana" (Robbins et al. 1994, p. 267).  Yellen (1998) ties in barbed bone points of the Kalahari with "three late Pleistocene occurrences [the Pleistocene predates the Holocene] from Katanda and Ishango, Zaire, and White Plains Shelter, Botswana" (p. 1).
This shows the barbed-point harpoons in East Africa and the Kalahari are related to those along the Nile Valley, Katanda, and Ishango. They all have cultural continuity. Further findings show what all these places have in common: "The almost universal presence of fish remains indicates a subsistence adaptation which incorporates a riverine/lacustrine component" (Yellen, 1998, p. 173). Fishes were one of the main preys that the people of the AA culture hunted.
Lastly, the Sahel is also included as having barbed bone points: "Such artifacts are found widely distributed across the Sahara Desert, the Sahel--in north-central and western Africa--the Nile and the East African lakes" (p. 1). Therefore, the Sahel is added to the AA list. They are all evidently from a "single tradition" (Yellen, 1998, p. 83).
The western part of the Kalahari Desert is in Namibia, Botswana and part of its eastern basin is in Western Zimbabwe and Southern Zambia. This is adjacent to the southwestern section of Africa's Great Rift Valley (see picture e). During the AA the paleoenvironment record contained faunal and geological evidence of a lake just south of Tsodilo Hills  (Picture d) that is in the northwestern corner of the country of Botswana. At its maximum the lake was 8 km x 5 km with a depth of a few meters.  The edge of the lake was as close as 150 m distance from the White Paintings shelter, where, among other portraits, there were pictures of fish on the walls. Robbins et al. (1994) reported an excavation in the western Kalahari where bone points were found bracketed by the dates of 65,000 to 80,000 BP. The artifacts--harpoon and spear points--were used for hunting. Fish bones found at the site were scattered almost each 10 cm level all through the deposits, beginning at ground level down to 450 cm deep. This depth indicates a date of (at least) 25,000 years, because the bones were found at almost each 10 cm level from ground level down to a depth of 450 cm.  Robbins et al. (1994) concluded that Tsodilo, Botswana was used continuously for fish exploitation for more than 25,000 years. The authors then go further explaining that the exploitation of freshwater fish in southern Africa could date back further than "40,000 years based on general views concerning the age of the MSA [Middle Stone Age] in the Kalahari and elsewhere in southern Africa" (p. 260).
There is evidence of an ancient river--now desiccated--7 km to the north of Tsodilo (Robbins et al., 1994, p. 262), which probably was one of the Tsodilo fishing sources. These areas are due west of Victoria Falls, which is fed by the Zambezi River (Picture e) that runs in an easterly direction into the man-made Lake Kariba. This lake once covered the Botswana Savute marsh (Botswana Country Info, 2003). It is probable that during the AA when the environment in Central and Southern Africa was wetter, the lakes in existence would have been much larger and lakes that have now desiccated were thriving back then. Since the Katanda harpoons, 90,000 BP and the Kalahari harpoons, 80,000 BP, are similar, it seems some of the people at Katanda eventually migrated south to the Kalahari by rivers and/or by skipping from lake to lake. The closest large lake in existence today in Northeastern Botswana is the Lake Kariba in Southwestern Zimbabwe. Robbins (1994) wrote that Northwestern Botswana's environment was periodically wetter than it is now "for much of the last 25,000-30,000 years .... [ending approximately] 1000 BP" (p. 262). As mentioned earlier, ancient Botswana lakes were in existence during the AA and the people from Katanda probably used them as the Africans used the Nile River--water-highways. There is a link, and it is probable that these ancient people migrated by boat to the Kalahari from Katanda, which is a much easier mode of transportation than walking.
Reverting back to Sutton's 65,000-80,000 BP year old spear and harpoon points found at Katanda, Yellen (1998) gives a more specific date for the harpoons found at Katanda at 90,000 BP.  Yellen found a beautifully crafted, fossilized bone harpoon point (Shreeve, 1992). A polished dagger uncovered at Katanda's harpoon site reveals similar craftsmanship as that found in Ishango, revealing more cultural continuity. Evidence of a large number of fish bones--mostly catfish acquired from harpoon fishing--illustrates that complex specialization of a fish subsistence was developed 90,0000 BP by the Homo Sapien in the upper Paleolithic. This is yet another example of cultural unity. The AA brought a cultural change to modern human behavior such as the sophisticated technology used to develop the Katanda harpoons (Shreeve, 1992).  (See map of routes the AA culture took to the north and west in picture f). Yellen (1998) agrees that if one were to concentrate on the West African and East African Paleolithic foundation of the barbed point cultural tradition, and look at it in a broader framework, the similarities of these barbed points are close enough to give good reason for incorporating them within one single tradition.
The vast differences in dates--25,000 BP in Ishango and 90,000 BP in Katanda--do not erase the cultural continuity that the evidence presents. Also remember that Katanda is just 7 km (north) downriver from Ishango. This cultural connection is not diminished by the long time span in which it existed. Except for the stone tools, no other artifacts produced by humans envelop such a broad time spectrum. Barbed points offer further insights into the continuity questions that stone tools are unable to do. Cultural continuity is the key factor in this paper.
How was the culture of the AA identified?
The two common items that were found in most areas of the AA were harpoons and pottery: wavy-line as well as dotted wavy-line (Sutton). As mentioned earlier (Sutton, 1974), in many parts of the AA the pottery was from, a continued common tradition. The other item is that most, if not all, peoples in the AA had the same African tradition of hunting fish using similarly styled harpoons (Yellen, 1998, p. 173).
 Who were the people of the AA?
During the Pleistocene in Africa, anatomically modern humans replaced archaic humans that were also known as the Middle Stone Age (Brooks et al., 1995).  Cole (as cited in Robbins, 2006) mentions that "The prevalent assumption [is] that Caucasoid influences were prominent in East Africa" (p. 266) during the AA. Even Coon (2005) found this ridiculous. This is the same Coon who was quoted as saying, "If Africa was the cradle of mankind; it was only an indifferent kindergarten. Europe and Asia were our principal schools" (Coon, 1962, p. 168). Coon (2005) said Patterson found human remains, specifically the "Cranial and postcranial bones of the Ishango people show them to have been Negroes (p. 157).
 Sutton (1977, p. 29) wrote that it is hard to be sure about all the racial types involved in the AA, but particular specimens show features that are certainly Negroid. Sutton (1974) wrote that L.S.B. Leakey found that any population from Middle Africa living in the post-Pleistocene era was probably Negroid. Evidence from skeletal remains from the aquatic culture in Khartoum and other sites in the west central part of the Sahara were of a distinct Negroid type (1974, p. 535). The evidence speaks for itself.
The first Caucasians on record to begin their first journey south in mass, occurred when they left the Russian Steppes and entered the Middle East, are identified as the Guti. They invaded Sumer around 2250 BCE (Jones, 2007). Farther south, the first Caucasians to enter Egypt, or Africa, were brought there by Merneptah--the Pharaoh who followed Ramses II--during Dynasty 19, as prisoners of war after Merneptah defeated the first alliance of Indo-Europeans in the Middle East. These Indo-Europeans were led by a man by the name of Merirey (Diop, 1974) during the second millennium BCE. If this is true, how could Caucasians have had any influence, much less contact, in the third millennium BCE? 
An interesting article appeared in the September 2008 issue of National Geographic entitled, Lost Tribes Of The Green Sahara. In northern Niger's Tenere desert in the southern rim of the Sahara, a group of Africans known as the Kiffian (Picture g) have been excavated in the middle of the Sahara during the AA between 8,000 and 6,000 BCE. A cemetery dating back to 7,000 BCE was just discovered. Two hundred human graves were found buried during the period when this desert area was wet and green. After examining the skeletons, which contained no injuries to the craniums or forearms, it was concluded that these were a peaceful people who did not make war. Remains of bones, and thousands of rock carvings left evidence of the animals in this ancient area including ostriches, antelope, giraffes, elephants, warthogs and hartebeests. These AA animals are typical to those found in Kenya's Serengeti today. The Kiffians, who were a tall muscular people, hunted wild game and used harpoons as other AA people did all over the aquatic territory. The Kiffians caught large fish including perch, a fish that can weigh about 300 pounds. Remains of other aquatic animals such as crocodiles, hippos, turtles and clams were present. Cultural continuity was represented not only with the harpoons found--that were almost identical to the ones found in Katanda (Picture h) as pictures b and h illustrate--but in remains of wavy line pottery that was also excavated as in other AA sites. Also notice in Picture h the exquisitely crafted bone fishhook. Other artifacts found were beads, axheads, finely made arrowheads and grindstones (Gwyn, 2008, p. 129).
Evidence of thesis confirmation: Late Pleistocene not Holocene
Alison Brooks began an onslaught of articles following her extensively quoted article she co-authored with C.C. Smith in 1987 entitled "Ishango revisited: new age determinations and cultural interpretations." Where is Ishango? It is found in the mountains in Central Africa. It is between Zaire (the Congo) and Uganda. Ishango is on the northern shore of Lake Edward, one of the sources of the Nile River.  The lake is approximately 30 miles wide by 60 miles long. 25,000 years ago Ishango was "a small community that fished, gathered or grew crops" (Williams, 1997, p. 1). When these people hunted for prey they used harpoons and spears. Harpoon and spear tips have been excavated at Ishango. The most fascinating tool found at Ishango, however, was not a harpoon or spear tip. A tool crafted with a bone handle was found. Still embedded in the handle was a small piece of quartz. The most striking feature about this object was that "Its shape and the sharp stone in its head suggests that it may have been used for engraving or tattooing, or even for writing of some kind" (de Heinzelin, 1962, p. 109).
 Ishango is one of the earliest sites of the Aqualithic culture. Damas originally discovered the Ishango site in 1935. Lepersonne followed Damas in 1949, followed by J. de Heinzelin, who spent ten years excavating at Ishango (Brooks & Smith, 1987). De Heinzelin discovered the small Ishango bone inscribed with marks that represented numbers carved on the bone. This was one of the earliest representations of mathematics in the world.  This paper, however, is not involved with the mathematical data on the bone. This paper is concerned with the bone's relevance to the harpoons found in the same layer of the bone and the dating thereof.
As stated earlier, the AA culture was very vast and spread rather quickly. De Heinzelin excavated the Ishango area for a decade in the 1950s. His well-known publication including the archaeology, geology, and paleontology at the Upper Semliki has served as a basis for future work dealing with that subject (Brooks and Smith, 1987).
In the 1980s Brooks and Smith revisited and excavated the area where it all started. They retraced de Heinzelin's footsteps in the Semliki Valley in Zaire--near Lake Edward--now, more appropriately called Lake Rutanzige (Brooks, et al. 1995). Brooks found exquisitely worked harpoons made of bone. They were found to be 40,000 years beyond the previously accepted age (Shreeve, 1992). Brooks and Smith excavated in a 2-m square precisely at the same spot where de Heinzelin's two trenches intersected. The reason this spot was chosen to excavate was to find new items to date that were hopefully older than those found earlier by de Heinzelin. They found several uniserial harpoons, fifteen in all. Digging deeper, they found a further 45 bones and lithics including 6 uniserial bone harpoons.
Brooks says the most significant artifact that pushed back the antiquity of the Ishango bone was "The dated eggshell [that] was just under the Ishango bone" (Brooks, personal communication, February 7, 2008). The dating technique used was radiocarbon analysis of the amino acids remaining in the bone and shell. Bone, however, is not the best material to depend on when trying to retrieve an accurate dating. This is due to the fact that bone is porous, which causes the amount of amino acids in the structure to decline rapidly. Shell, on the other hand, is less impervious to amino acid loss, making it a far better material for accurate dating (Brooks and Smith, 1987).
After the shell from the Ishango Bone layer was subjected to radiocarbon analysis, the shell from the Ishango layer was dated between 20,000 and 30,000 BP. This suggests that the Ishango Bone levels date back to the late Pleistocene beyond the Holistene period. This new information pushes the date for Ishango further back, suggesting that the advanced composite tools, lithic technology, and fish utilization in the late Pleistocene occurred far before the same level of technology surfaced in Europe (Brooks and Smith, 1987). By extension, this also means the harpoons found in the Ishango layers also dated back to 25,000 BP. These harpoons belong to the AA culture.
This 20,000 to 30,000 BP date seems to coincide with Leakey's Kenyan Aurignacian theory in the southeastern region of the AA belt. The date for the Kenyan Caspian--which Leakey calls the Kenyan Aurignacian--where the Kenyans were manufacturing burnin and blades dating between 10,000 and 5,000 BCE seems now to be dated too late. Even stone tool blades found in South Africa are dated to between 40,000 and 50,000 BCE (Sutton, 1974). Hence, these 10,000 and 5,000 BCE dates seem to be too late. Considering this logic, Leakey's Kenyan Aurignacian dates no longer seem out of line (Shreeve, 1992, p. 83). It therefore seems that Leakey's Aurignacian people, who ventured out of Africa into Asia and Europe 50,000 BP (Van Sertima, 1985, p. 7), were hunting with harpoons in Africa.
The artifacts at Ishango at 20,000 to 30,000 BCE and those of Katanda dated to 90,000 BCE point to a similar African tradition. The time gap between the two indicates an exceedingly long-term cultural continuity that crosses traditional cultural boundaries of sub-Saharan Africa (Yellen, 1998). Besides a long term of cultural continuity, Robbins (1994) wrote of periodic wetter conditions--at least--in South Africa for the last 25,000-30,000 BP (p. 262). This paper may spawn inquiries into an earlier date for the beginning of a wetter ancient Africa as well, but such inquiries are beyond the scope of this paper.
In conclusion, the AA culture spread rapidly across Africa from the Southern Rift Valley north up the Nile and west to as far as Mauritania. This AA culture was best known for its harpoons, spears, and later for its pottery. The evidence presented here leads us to the realization that Sutton's (1974) 9000 BCE date for the wetter climate of the AA may stand for now; but his 9000 BCE date for the AA culture may now have to be pushed back at least to between 20,000 and 30,000 BP. Along with Ishango's more ancient date, and considering the even older Katanda data, the AA culture's start date may be more ancient than Sutton (1974) proposed.

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